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revising 2.3 with images
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15 changes: 8 additions & 7 deletions 2.3-lending.Rmd
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Expand Up @@ -50,11 +50,12 @@ So why do these maps matter? Although HOLC maps did not *cause* redlining, they
In Hartford, looking closely at how federal agents created HOLC "redlining" maps in consultation with local lenders reveals their racist and elitist views of the neighborhoods across the growing city-suburban region. Foster Milliken Jr., the HOLC field agent assigned to the Hartford area, was no stranger to the world of finance. Decades earlier, his father presided over Milliken Brothers, Inc., a multi-million dollar structural steel manufacturer in New York City that built the world's tallest buildings at that time. Prior to the Depression, Foster Milliken Jr. worked as a stockbroker in Manhattan and was familiar with its social circles. When HOLC first sent him to Hartford in 1936, he consulted with real estate board members and banking executives, such as leaders of the Society for Savings, the state's oldest mutual savings bank and the city's leading mortgage lender. While Milliken described these men as "a fair and composite opinion of the best qualified local people, his confidential report labeled Hartford as a "typical New England city" with "ultra-conservative" lending policies. Hartford bankers "desire to solve their own problems without outside help or assistance," he observed, and "it is not surprising that the FHA is generally frowned upon just as was the HOLC."^[@MillikenBrothersFail1907; @FosterMillikenJr1930; @MillikenDurell1935; @millikenjr.ConfidentialReportSurvey1936, p. 3, 20.]

Despite bankers' distrust towards FDR's home lending programs, Milliken persuaded several executives to speak privately with him and offer their candid assessment of neighborhoods in the City of Hartford and two suburbs, West Hartford and East Hartford. Milliken's report captured their collective views of the "trend of desirability" for each area, accompanied by the four-color HOLC "Residential Security Map" to visually illustrate their perceived levels of mortgage investment risk. Green signaled the safest areas for lenders to offer home loans, followed by blue and yellow, and then red marked the most "hazardous" areas on what today is known as the Hartford-area "redlining" map, as shown in Figure \@ref(fig:1937-holc-hartford-map-scan).^[@homeownersloancorporationResidentialSecurityMap1937; see georeferenced maps at @homeownersloancorporationResidentialSecurityRedlining1937a; @homeownersloancorporationResidentialSecurityRedlining1937]
Despite bankers' distrust towards FDR's home lending programs, Milliken persuaded several executives to speak privately with him and offer their candid assessment of neighborhoods in the City of Hartford and two suburbs, West Hartford and East Hartford. Milliken's report captured their collective views of the "trend of desirability" for each area, accompanied by the four-color HOLC "Residential Security Map" to visually illustrate their perceived levels of mortgage investment risk. Green signaled the safest areas for lenders to offer home loans, followed by blue and yellow, and then red marked the most "hazardous" areas on what is known today as the Hartford-area "redlining" map, as shown in Figure \@ref(fig:1937-holc-hartford-west-east).^[See originals at @homeownersloancorporationResidentialSecurityMaps1937; georeferenced scans at @mappinginequalityResidentialSecurityMaps2023]

(ref:1937-holc-hartford-map-scan) Explore the [original 1937 Residential Security Map for Hartford and West Hartford](https://mapwarper.net/maps/15096), and the [adjacent Map for East Hartford](https://mapwarper.net/maps/15097). Green indicated the HOLC's view of the safest neighborhoods for mortgage investment, followed by blue and yellow, and then red to signal the riskiest areas. Since HOLC did not circulate its maps outside of a small number of government officials, perhaps no Hartford-area residents had ever seen this map until 2006, when Dougherty brought back scanned images from the National Archives in College Park, Maryland.
(ref:1937-holc-hartford-west-east) Explore the [1937 HOLC Residential Security Maps for West Hartford, Hartford, and East Hartford](https://dsl.richmond.edu/panorama/redlining/map/CT/Hartford/), georeferenced by Mapping Inequality. Green showed HOLC's safest rating for mortgage investment, followed by blue, yellow, and red to signal the riskiest areas. Since HOLC maps did not circulate outside of a small number of government officials, perhaps no one in the Hartford area saw this map until 2006, when Dougherty brought back scanned images of the originals at the National Archives in College Park, Maryland.

```{r 1937-holc-hartford-map-scan, fig.cap="(ref:1937-holc-hartford-map-scan)"}
knitr::include_graphics("images/1937-holc-hartford-map-scan.jpg")
```{r 1937-holc-hartford-west-east, fig.cap="(ref:1937-holc-hartford-west-east)"}
knitr::include_graphics("images/1937-holc-hartford-west-east.png")
```

Standing in downtown Hartford's business district, Milliken observed that "the entire trend is to the west." Green, the highest rating, was most prominent in the northern half of West Hartford, and the northwest corner of Hartford around Prospect Avenue and Scarborough Streets. These marked the best opportunities for mortgage investment, what Milliken described as "hot spots" of new and well-planned home construction where "lenders with available funds are willing to make their maximum loans" at up to 80 percent of the appraised property value (thereby requiring only a 20 percent down payment from homeowners). Blue, the second-grade rating, stood out along Farmington Avenue from West Hartford Center into Hartford's West End, plus North End neighborhoods such as Blue Hills, and smaller pockets in the South End, as well as portions of East Hartford. Milliken stated that blue represented completely developed neighborhoods of good quality, but not the best, where lenders offered mortgages at no more than 70 percent of the home value (or a 30 percent down payment). Yellow, the third-grade ranking, dominated the southeast corner of West Hartford, most of the South End and large portions of the North End of Hartford, and the majority of East Hartford. Milliken indicated that yellow signified areas in "transition" where mortgage lenders were even more cautious than above. Finally, red marked the lowest-grade areas with the least desirable housing, generally located along the flood-prone banks of the Connecticut River, such as Hartford's Italian and Black neighborhoods in tenement housing along Front Street and Windsor Street.^[@millikenjr.ConfidentialReportSurvey1936; @homeownersloancorporationResidentialSecurityMap1937]
Expand All @@ -71,9 +72,9 @@ Table: (\#tab:1937-holc-area) Percent of Land Area with HOLC Rating in Hartford
| D - Red | 0% | 9% | 20% | 7% |
| Total | 100% | 100% | 100% | 100% |

How did HOLC field agents rate neighborhoods? Although HOLC guidelines considered the physical condition and market price of the housing stock, field agents were instructed to evaluate the "social status of the population," based on the dominant standards of racial superiority and economic privilege at the time. Written in the derogatory language of its time, the one-page standardized HOLC appraisal forms asked Milliken to report the percentage of "Foreign-born" and "Negro" families in each neighborhood, and "Relief families" who received Depression-era federal income assistance, and also any "Infiltration" of outside groups, as shown in Figure \@ref(fig:1937-holc-inhabitants-d1).^[@homeownersloancorporationResidentialSecurityMap1937, pp. 1, A1-D3.]
How did HOLC field agents rate neighborhoods? Although HOLC guidelines considered the physical condition and market price of the housing stock, field agents were instructed to evaluate the "social status of the population," based on the dominant standards of racial superiority and economic privilege at the time. Written in the derogatory language of its time, the one-page standardized HOLC appraisal forms asked Milliken to report the percentage of "Foreign-born" and "Negro" families in each neighborhood, and "Relief families" who received Depression-era federal income assistance, and also any "Infiltration" of outside groups, as shown in Figure \@ref(fig:1937-holc-inhabitants-d1).^[See readable version @homeownersloancorporationAreaDescriptionsResidential1937, pp. 1, A1-D3, based on original @homeownersloancorporationResidentialSecurityMaps1937]

(ref:1937-holc-inhabitants-d1) Explore the [HOLC area descriptions](https://github.com/ontheline/otl-redlining/blob/main/sources/holc-hartford-1937-appraisal.pdf), based on forms that instructed field agents to report on the social composition of the neighborhood as a factor to measure mortgage risk. Source: Hartford area D-1, 1937, from the National Archives.
(ref:1937-holc-inhabitants-d1) Explore the [1937 HOLC Hartford area descriptions PDF](https://github.com/ontheline/otl-redlining/blob/main/sources/holc-hartford-1937-appraisal.pdf), based on forms that instructed field agents to report on the social composition of the neighborhood as a factor to measure mortgage risk. Image: Hartford area D-1, 1937, from the National Archives.

```{r 1937-holc-inhabitants-d1, fig.cap="(ref:1937-holc-inhabitants-d1)"}
knitr::include_graphics("images/1937-holc-inhabitants-d1.png")
Expand Down Expand Up @@ -188,7 +189,7 @@ Opponents spoke out against the FHA's racist lending policies. In June 1938, Roy
### Comparing the Impact of HOLC and FHA {-}
Although both of these New Deal mortgage programs---the Home Owners' Loan Corporation and the Federal Housing Administration---illustrate the segregationist *intent* of government officials, they had a very different *impact* on people's lives. Although color-coded HOLC maps are more likely to grab pubic attention in national politics and popular culture, FHA caused far more damage through its vanilla application form and *Underwriting Manual*. Although we associate HOLC maps with "redlining," readers may be surprised to learn that Black Hartford homeowners were *nearly twice as likely* as White homeowners to receive HOLC mortgages relative to their population. Meanwhile, White homeowners were *nearly twice as likely* as Black homeowners to hold FHA-insured mortgages across the Northeast region, and FHA funded far more homes and lasted decades longer than HOLC.

When Kenneth Jackson launched the field of US suburban history with his *Crabgrass Frontier* book in 1985, he focused scholarly attention on the discriminatory practices of both the HOLC and the FHA mortgage programs. Jackson rediscovered the HOLC Residential Security Maps buried deep within the National Archives, reframed them as "redlining" maps by pointing out their racial and antisemitic prejudices, and reprinted examples in his book. Similarly, Jackson called out the FHA *Underwriting Manual* for its multiple prohibitions against insuring loans in racially- or ethnically-mixed neighborhoods neighborhoods.^[@jacksonCrabgrassFrontierSuburbanization1985, pp. 195-218.]
When Kenneth Jackson's *Crabgrass Frontier* book launched the field of suburban history in 1985, he focused scholarly attention on the discriminatory practices of both the HOLC and the FHA mortgage programs. Jackson rediscovered the HOLC Residential Security Maps buried deep within the National Archives, reframed them as "redlining" maps by pointing out their racial and antisemitic prejudices, and reprinted examples in his book. Similarly, Jackson called out the FHA *Underwriting Manual* for its multiple prohibitions against insuring loans in racially- or ethnically-mixed neighborhoods neighborhoods.^[@jacksonCrabgrassFrontierSuburbanization1985, pp. 195-218.]

For many people reading about redlining for the first time, racist intent by government officials probably meant the same thing as racist impact on local communities. But Jackson did not make that claim. Instead, his discussion of HOLC loans noted a pattern that surprised him. Although HOLC maps had labeled D-level neighborhoods as "hazardous" to investors, HOLC distributed about 30 percent of its mortgages to homes in D-level areas for cities he examined closely, such as Newark, New Jersey. Jackson explained this puzzling result by stating that HOLC found that residents of poorer neighborhoods generally repaid their loans at a higher rate than more affluent neighborhoods. In this way, HOLC did not refuse to do business in "redlined" areas. Even HOLC reports stated that "we do not mean to imply that good mortgages do not exist or cannot be made in the Third or Fourth grade areas," the lowest-rated yellow and red areas of the map, "but we do think that they should be made and serviced on a different basis than in the First and Second grade areas."^[@jacksonCrabgrassFrontierSuburbanization1985, p. 202; @homeownersloancorporationResidentialSecurityMap1937, p. 2.]

Expand All @@ -210,4 +211,4 @@ The FHA continues to exist today as the largest federal home lending program an

Government policy fundamentally reshaped the private marketplace of housing, as well as the boundary lines that determined where families of different races or incomes could find a home. On one hand, federal involvement in lending markets prevented millions of families from being forced out of their homes, and expanded homeownership to millions more, from the 1930s Depression through the postwar era. On the other hand, eligibility to participate in these federal lending programs was not neutral, and their impact deeply intensified racial and economic discrimination across city and suburban neighborhoods^[@freundColoredPropertyState2007]

*[About the authors and contributors:](authors.html) Shaun McGann (Trinity 2014) wrote the first draft of this essay in the Cities Suburbs and Schools seminar, and published it in ConnecticutHistory.org.[@mcgannEffectsRedliningHartford2014] Jack Dougherty expanded the essay for publication in this book. Ilya Ilyankou (Trinity 2018) and Jack Dougherty developed the interactive map, based on an earlier version created with contributors from UConn MAGIC and the Kirwin Institute.*^[@ilyankouMapFederalHOLC2017; @universityofconnecticutlibrariesmapandgeographicinformationcenterFederalHOLCRedlining2012]
*[About the authors and contributors:](authors.html) Shaun McGann (Trinity 2014) wrote the first draft of this essay in the Cities Suburbs and Schools seminar, and published it in ConnecticutHistory.org. Jack Dougherty expanded the essay for publication in this book. Ilya Ilyankou (Trinity 2018) and Jack Dougherty developed the interactive map, based on an earlier version created with contributors from UConn MAGIC and the Kirwin Institute.*^[@mcgannEffectsRedliningHartford2014; @ilyankouMapFederalHOLC2017]
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2 changes: 0 additions & 2 deletions notes-todo/2.3-update-redlining.md
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# Update redlining

Check and update NARA web address for HOLC and other records if URL exists

Manuscript and photostat maps, including block-data and analytical maps from the Real Property Inventory and maps prepared for the Housing Market Analysis of Hartford and surrounding towns, showing growth of populations, types of residential areas, and number of dwelling units authorized by building permits.
https://catalog.archives.gov/id/208156484
already downloaded two online property maps of Hartford
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