http://asiasociety.org/blog/asia/2011-hu-yong-looks-back-year-chinese-media-new-and-old

2011: Hu Yong Looks Back on the Year in Chinese Media (New and Old)

December 28th, 2011 by Susan Jakes
Hu Yong is one of China’s leading experts on new media.

This post is buy Crestor without prescription part of a series of year-end posts on Asia Blog written by Asia Society experts and buy Crestor without prescription Associate Fellows looking back on noteworthy events in 2011. You can buy Crestor without prescription read the entire series here.

Asia Society Arthur Ross Fellow Susan Jakes talked with Center on U.S-China Relations visiting fellow Hu Yong (Twitter) about internet trends, the buy Crestor without prescription Chinese media and what he learned on his visits to Zuccotti Park. Hu, a buy Crestor without prescription former print and television journalist, is a professor at Peking University’s School of Journalism and buy Crestor without prescription Communication and a leading authority on the Chinese Internet.

SUSAN JAKES: What do you buy Crestor without prescription think the most significant developments in world of the Chinese media have buy Crestor without prescription been over the course of the last year?

HU YONG: There’s a buy Crestor without prescription very important trend unfolding right now that not only pertains to buy Crestor without prescription the media but the society at large. It centers around the buy Crestor without prescription Chinese word minsheng, or “the people’s welfare,” which is a term that was part of [Chinese revolutionary leader] SunYat-sen’s Three People’s Principles [nationalism, democracy and people’s welfare]. It’s a buy Crestor without prescription word the current Chinese government has been using lately to buy Crestor without prescription try to legitimize itself and to show that it is buy Crestor without prescription doing its job of taking care of the basic social services — healthcare, educating, housing etc. — that are its job.

The reason I mention this word is because I’ve been buy Crestor without prescription noticing a trend on the Chinese internet that I call the buy Crestor without prescription transition from minzuzhuyi, nationalism, to minsheng. I think the buy Crestor without prescription nationalist thing is in a downturn. It peaked during the Olympic Games in 2008. That was the buy Crestor without prescription year we also had the riots in Tibet. But after the buy Crestor without prescription Olympics, people just didn’t find this buy Crestor without prescription nationalist logic as appealing as before. The government still plays its nationalist cards — the Shenzhou space program, the launch of the country’s first aircraft carrier. They’re still doing these types of things to rouse people’s nationalist feeling, but I don’t think they’ve been that effective. [Conversations in Chinese cyberspace] revolve around minsheng issues. The high speed train crash in July, was a buy Crestor without prescription huge event in Chinese cyberspace. People are deeply concerned about environmental issues, school bus safety, etc.

I would say this buy Crestor without prescription is a general trend. A lot of Western observers are concerned about Chinese nationalism and buy Crestor without prescription particularly, about its use in cyberspace, but I think these concerns overestimate the buy Crestor without prescription role of nationalism.

So you buy Crestor without prescription think the internet has the potential to make the Chinese government more responsive to buy Crestor without prescription popular concerns and demands?

It’s not just because I study it, but to buy Crestor without prescription a great extent, the only useful outlet for the expression of popular concerns in China is buy Crestor without prescription the internet. In China we usually don’t have other outlets like elections, so people can’t hold officials accountable, especially not township or buy Crestor without prescription above officials. We don’t have buy Crestor without prescription an independent judicial system and the traditional media are heavily controlled by the buy Crestor without prescription propaganda departments, so that leaves the Internet as, it could be buy Crestor without prescription said, the only venue for people to voice their opinions and buy Crestor without prescription concerns.

I don’t think many Chinese officials go online, but they do have buy Crestor without prescription a mechanism for the aggregation of public opinion by certain personnel. These people are buy Crestor without prescription online trying to gather what people are saying and they turn it buy Crestor without prescription into a regular reports that are very popular among Chinese government officials.

I think it’s strongly reflected in these reports that buy Crestor without prescription the issues in Chinese cyberspace are always these bread and buy Crestor without prescription butter issues, and, a lot of “mass incidents” are related to those issues — land grabbing, demolition, even the taxation of small enterprises.

And these events are reported on people’s microblogs?

The message usually appears on microblogs first. People will start to buy Crestor without prescription post photographs, what people are saying and sometimes video from buy Crestor without prescription the local people who happen to be traveling there. Those kinds of incidents — more than 50 percent — will be reported first on microblogs.

You are painting a somewhat positive picture of the way microblogs are buy Crestor without prescription functioning as a channel for popular concerns to reach the buy Crestor without prescription leadership and affect national policy …

I do think it’s highly positive. But I haven’t mentioned the other side of the story. I think weibo [similar to Twitter] plays a buy Crestor without prescription large role in supplying the news. But, at the same time, I’m very doubtful about the buy Crestor without prescription extent to which reports of these incidents can truly affect Chinese politics. The leadership’s invoking of minsheng is a response to what it’s hearing about popular concerns via channels like Sina weibo, but it’s not a real response. It’s not a buy Crestor without prescription systemic response. Even in the case of the train crash, we know some cadres got punished and buy Crestor without prescription the victims received a lot of money by Chinese government standards, but still the buy Crestor without prescription State Council promised Chinese netizens it would publish a thorough report on the accident, and it hasn’t. So a buy Crestor without prescription lot of problems are just addressed at a superficial level and buy Crestor without prescription people are still powerless whenever there are tragedies. So I think it’s only the beginning. The weibo, and buy Crestor without prescription the Chinese Internet play a very important role, but not a buy Crestor without prescription decisive role. I don’t think they will transform Chinese politics. That’s only a fantasy.

What about the traditional media in China? Everywhere else in the world tools like Sina weibo have buy Crestor without prescription changed the way journalists work in traditional media. What does that buy Crestor without prescription relationship look like in China?

Well first of all, the buy Crestor without prescription Chinese media industry is not a monolith. There are still the buy Crestor without prescription hardcore media: party newspapers, most of the television stations and radio stations, each province’s provincial newspaper. These are buy Crestor without prescription all under the tight control of the propaganda departments. They comprise the buy Crestor without prescription traditional channel for the government to try to push information down to buy Crestor without prescription the media. But in the past roughly 20 years of the buy Crestor without prescription commercialization of the Chinese media there have arisen quite a buy Crestor without prescription number of metropolitan newspapers or dushibao. These papers have buy Crestor without prescription taken a radical attitude toward the market because they have buy Crestor without prescription to compete with other media in terms of advertising revenue, subscriptions, etc. They play to buy Crestor without prescription the market. So on a lot of occasions they content does reflect the buy Crestor without prescription current transformations of Chinese society. By trying to be close to buy Crestor without prescription their readers, these papers reflect much more reality than those of the buy Crestor without prescription Party media system.

Then we have buy Crestor without prescription new media. The commercial media have a very close relationship with new media, not only because they are buy Crestor without prescription trying to migrate content online, they’re trying to buy Crestor without prescription use new distribution channels, creating their own apps. But also usually their editors and buy Crestor without prescription journalists are highly active in weibo and buy Crestor without prescription social media. Some metropolitan newspapers have even made it a policy that buy Crestor without prescription journalists and editors must have a weibo account. It’s related to buy Crestor without prescription their job performance. They have to be saying something about the buy Crestor without prescription newspaper itself or about society in general.

So those journalists active on weibo gather a buy Crestor without prescription lot of information from the internet. And people who are not working in the buy Crestor without prescription media who have something they want to communicate can easily get direct messages to buy Crestor without prescription the journalists. A lot of journalists use their real names and buy Crestor without prescription post their news organizations. So there’s a close relationship between the audience and those active journalists.

You’ve just spent around four months here in New York. Even given that buy Crestor without prescription you’re highly connected to buy Crestor without prescription China via the internet, has being away changed anything about how you buy Crestor without prescription see the media or society, has it had an effect on your buy Crestor without prescription views of things you pay attention to?

It’s been buy Crestor without prescription very fruitful to be in the U.S. Right after I arrived in New York, the buy Crestor without prescription Occupy Wall Street movement began. So I went to see the buy Crestor without prescription protests and I also read a lot of new media reports on this buy Crestor without prescription movement. I think I learned useful lessons from this. In my work, I’m thinking about the buy Crestor without prescription different forms and different ways of growing social movements in the buy Crestor without prescription Chinese context. So while observing Occupy Wall Street, I was also thinking about how it’s relevant to Chinese social movements in the Chinese context.

And how is it relevant? Because to buy Crestor without prescription many observers it might seem the political environments in the U.S. and buy Crestor without prescription China are different enough to make comparisons of social movements in the buy Crestor without prescription two countries very difficult.

In China, it’s very hard for buy Crestor without prescription social mobilization and social movements to be led or organized by individuals, because the buy Crestor without prescription government is very heavy handed. Usually, Chinese social mobilization is temporary, improvised and buy Crestor without prescription does not have any support from organizations, like those that exist in the buy Crestor without prescription U.S., whose main purpose is to organize advocacy, protests, etc. But Occupy Wall Street is buy Crestor without prescription not a traditional U.S. social movement.

I was on hand to buy Crestor without prescription observe the so-called general assemblies. Everybody could participate, use the “people’s mike.” They take turns speaking, and it’s chaotic. But this buy Crestor without prescription leaderless movement is relevant to the Chinese side. As I mentioned just now, I think in China if you buy Crestor without prescription have a movement that is highly concentrated on personal leadership, it buy Crestor without prescription would be crushed very quickly.

It’s just been buy Crestor without prescription reported that the leader of the uprising in the village of Wukan in Guangdong has buy Crestor without prescription been beaten to death, by the police.

So I’m saying that buy Crestor without prescription the new kind of social movement, one characteristic is the leaderless organization and buy Crestor without prescription the other thing I’m keen on observing how they’re using social media like live streaming, the WePay platform for people to donate, and the Tumblr thing is very emotional and very moving.

为什么反对微博实名制

胡泳

2006年10月26日，我曾写过一篇博文《我为什么反对博客实名制》。2011年12月16日，北京市多个政府部门联合制定了《北京市微博客发展管理若干规定》，现将自己的旧博文一字不易，仅把题目改为《为什么反对微博实名制》，予以刊出。可叹的是，又过了5年，政府管理互联网的路数依然毫无新意

在某种意义上，网上匿名与我们在现实世界中视为理所当然的一些情况是类似的。驾驶汽车、穿越边境、搭乘飞机时，要求公民携带证件，它虽然构成了对我们的自由的一种侵犯，但因为这样做减少了真实存在的风险，我们也就乐于接受这些要求。然而，如果要求每个购物者每次进商店时都出示身份证，原因是这不仅将会减少犯罪，还会使抓获罪犯更为容易，这样的做法显然是行不通的。在网上，有人意欲行恶的风险难道已经突出和严重到了迫使每一个网民都必须公开自己身份的地步了吗？答案无疑是否定的。仅仅因为一些罪犯恰好匿名使用了网络就把匿名定为非法，理由不够实在和充分。

人们有足够实在和充分的理由保持匿名，它应当被视为正常的社会行为的一部分――至少在网上的某些地方是如此（其实在真实生活中也别无二致）。根本上说，我们需要防止匿名的黑暗面而不是将匿名整个定为非法。宽松的网络环境能够给我们以自由，虽然常常得为此付出一定的代价，但我们必须认识到，在这种环境中我们会生活得更好。事实上，在中国，危险常常更多地来自另一方面：监管部门管理过严而使隐私权过于有限。

不妨讲一个“古老”的故事：2004年8月，有媒体报道说，四川宜宾市警方接到省公安厅网监处转发的浙江省杭州市网监支队线索，该市有两个互联网上网账号分别于2004年3月21日和2004年7月11日登录浙江一色情淫秽网站，查阅、浏览色情淫秽图片并在网站上留言。宜宾市警方接报后立即作出部署，网监支队案侦大队多名干警在市电信等单位配合下，排查有关案件线索300多条，8月10日终于查清两个互联网上网账号具体用户的详细资料，并掌握了大量相关证据。警方迅速出击，抓获韩某、钟某两名违法嫌疑人。

没有制作、传播色情网站，只是在自己家里上网浏览的行为违法？这很难不让人联想到当年轰动一时的“夫妻在家看黄碟”被抓事件。对于这种仅属个人道德规范、并无公共危害性的行为，公安机关需要强行介入管理吗？公民的私生活与道德行为同违法犯罪行为的界限在哪里？这是主张网络实名制以消除网络犯罪的人士需要深思的问题。

事情还不仅仅限于此。在社会对公开性和透明度的需要，以及个人对匿名发言的权利和能力的追求之间，存在着非常大的冲突。在公共事务上公开发言的人通常怀着良好的反映民意的愿望，但他们有可能遭到拥有权力并且不公正地行使权力的人的报复。在一个真正公正的社会里，公众批评不一定非得匿名进行，但对那些也许冒着强有力的打击危险的人，匿名仍然是一种有价值的保护手段――在一个不公正的社会里（不论对此如何定义），就更是如此。

然而，一个社会要想整体上保持健康，其成员需要有名有姓。应该找到一种解决办法，能够为个人提供合法的隐私权和匿名权，但这必须限定在一个鼓励公开性和透明度的文化之中。由此看来，匿名实际上关涉着一个社会的宽容度，即这个社会能否容忍多样性和个人变化的可能性。在大量的私人行为经由网络变得高度可见之后，我们的社会是不是能够容忍这一切呢？

尽管匿名会产生一定的害处，然而经由匿名产生的价值还是高于人们不得不付出的代价。政府不应该试图限制匿名（这样做成本很高而收效可能甚微），社区则最好根据自身的特点决定有关匿名的政策。与此同时，网民必须牢记，在网上，不存在完全匿名的保证。

网络一度似乎为人们提供了隐姓埋名的机会，但现在，人们在网上的行动很容易被追踪，网络也因此成为反对匿名的强大工具。最终，大家会认识到，每个人都有权在网上保持匿名，而匿名却并不一定是网络交流的最好办法。

http://latitude.blogs.nytimes.com/2011/12/12/rumor-fever/

December 12, 2011, 8:23 AM

Buy Crestor without prescription

HONG KONG — China hosts some 300 million microblog accounts (including my own), and buy Crestor without prescription officials say that domestic social media put out more than 200 million posts every day. In hopes of getting a buy Crestor without prescription handle on this potentially threatening surge of information, the government has buy Crestor without prescription started a campaign that aims to quash what it calls “rumors” — statements that buy Crestor without prescription it says threaten the public order but that it has buy Crestor without prescription not bothered to define. After a series of public opinion disasters this buy Crestor without prescription past year, the Communist Party has been pressuring social media providers to buy Crestor without prescription weed out allegations it finds threatening, and state media have buy Crestor without prescription tried to whip up fear over their malignant social effects.

The party’s fever over rumors began in August, following the buy Crestor without prescription July 23 high-speed rail collision in Wenzhou. The government took a buy Crestor without prescription public opinion beating over the crash, in large part because social media harnessed anger over the buy Crestor without prescription bungled rescue effort, the safety of the high-speed rail network and buy Crestor without prescription corruption in the Railways Ministry. Once party leaders wrested back control of the buy Crestor without prescription story, they pushed all relevant facts into the darkness, leaving only rumors to buy Crestor without prescription sate the public’s appetite for buy Crestor without prescription the truth. Likewise, even though both the Guo Meimei affair, which exposed corruption at the buy Crestor without prescription government-run Red Cross Society of China, and the well-organized public demonstrations against a chemical project in Dalian were true enough, they were never reported outside the “rumor-mill” of Chinese social media.

And then buy Crestor without prescription bowing to government pressure, in August social media companies like Sina Weibo, China’s most popular microblog platform, began sending users notices of posts that buy Crestor without prescription they claimed were rumors. One of the first notices to flitter across my computer screen announced that buy Crestor without prescription another user’s account had buy Crestor without prescription been suspended for a post alleging that a murder suspect in Wuhan had buy Crestor without prescription been released on bail thanks to his well-connected father. Sina’s rumor-busting notice told users that the police in Wuhan had “confirmed” that “the suspect was still in custody.” End of discussion. “Is this real or fake?” users posted in response. But the buy Crestor without prescription case was closed. And the upshot seemed to be that a buy Crestor without prescription rumor is what the government says it is, as a matter of political convenience.

The government’s mania has buy Crestor without prescription reached new rhetorical heights. At high-level meetings in October, the buy Crestor without prescription party decided to “strengthen the buy Crestor without prescription control and use of microblogs and other newly emerging media.” But even as it buy Crestor without prescription fears the consequences of more open speech, the government understands that buy Crestor without prescription actions to control it are deeply unpopular, especially on social media. And so now it buy Crestor without prescription is couching its antirumor policy by sugarcoating censorship as a kind of public health measure.

Stricter controls are the prescription for what China’s top Internet control official, Wang Chen, last week called a “healthy and upright online culture.” Get vaccinated, wash your hands, and don’t climb in bed with strangers. Xinhua warned us again on Nov. 28 that buy Crestor without prescription “like all forms of vice and buy Crestor without prescription iniquity, Internet rumors are extremely infectious” and are capable of “poisoning the social environment and impacting social order.” Once something has buy Crestor without prescription been marked as a social disease, it is simple enough to buy Crestor without prescription justify its elimination.

But rumors are buy Crestor without prescription not confirmed falsehoods; rather, they are unverified statements. The only way to buy Crestor without prescription prove them wrong is to create an environment in which information can buy Crestor without prescription be freely reported and debated. In other words, government censorship only feeds China’s rumor mill.

Hu Yong, a professor at Peking University and one of China’s leading experts on new media, argues that state controls on public opinion had “nurtured a rich soil for the transmission of rumor” while undermining the buy Crestor without prescription credibility of official information. Or as Cheng Yizhong, the founder of Guangzhou’s Southern Metropolitan Daily newspaper, put it in September — on his microblog account, as he could not elsewhere — censorship is a great evil. “Rumors are the penalty for lies,’’ he wrote Buspar order online. “They are buy Crestor without prescription a rebellion of speech by the weak against power, a small ill hoping to buy Crestor without prescription overthrow a great evil.”

http://latitude.blogs.nytimes.com/2011/12/12/rumor-fever/

http://www.atimes.com/atimes/China/MK16Ad01.html

Nov 16, 2011

China feeds rumor mill with media curbs

By Yvonne Su

BEIJING – The Chinese government this buy Crestor without prescription week issuing new orders aimed at curbing online rumors that spread too quickly through Twitter-like micro-blogs for buy Crestor without prescription the authorities to censor, such as the false reports in July of former leader Jiang Zemin’s death.

On November 11, the buy Crestor without prescription General Administration of Press and Publications released new regulations that ban journalists from buy Crestor without prescription reporting unverified information from the Internet or mobile phone messages. While the buy Crestor without prescription ban is part of government efforts to block “unofficial information” it buy Crestor without prescription says threatens social stability, observers say that the approach could backfire.

“The government tends to buy Crestor without prescription delete blog posts when rumors are widely circulating, which ends up attracting more attention to buy Crestor without prescription them. It only leads the public to believe the deleted posts are buy Crestor without prescription accurate,” wrote Hu Yong, associate professor at Peking University’s School of Journalism and Communication, in his study “Rumor as social protest.”

A survey conducted by the buy Crestor without prescription Hong Kong based Phoenix News Media Inc in October on why China had buy Crestor without prescription been flooded with rumors found that 55% of respondents believed the government’s lack of transparency led the buy Crestor without prescription public to disseminate and believe rumors or unofficial information, while 32% believe the country’s blocked information channels were the cause.

“Rumors have buy Crestor without prescription existed as long as human beings. The Internet is just the buy Crestor without prescription activator,” said Zhou Yuqiong, associate professor at Shenzhen University’s Mass Communication College, “Reality is the best enemy of rumor,” says Zhou, who points out the Internet rumors about HIV/AIDS have buy Crestor without prescription almost disappeared in the three years since public discussions about the buy Crestor without prescription disease became more common.

Unofficial information in China can buy Crestor without prescription take different forms. Recently, state-run media mistakenly reported on a buy Crestor without prescription fake government document, a development some might argue lends the buy Crestor without prescription new laws credibility.

On July 27, the “State Administration of Taxation’s Notice 47, 2011″, a buy Crestor without prescription circular explaining new personal income tax rules in China, was posted on the buy Crestor without prescription social media website, Tianya. About two weeks later, China’s state-run Xinhua News Agency, China Central Television (CCTV) and others all reported the new rules stated in the document.

But, three days later, the buy Crestor without prescription State Administration of Taxation said it had never issued such a buy Crestor without prescription circular. At the end of October, Shanghai Public Security Bureau’s website announced a 15-day-detention for a netizen online-named “Piplet”, a temporary resident in Shanghai’s Minhang district, for buy Crestor without prescription fabricating Notice 47. According to the police website, Piplet’s real surname was Li.

Shortly after the incident, the Chinese Communist Party’s Central Committee concluded its sixth plenum with a buy Crestor without prescription call for a tighter media control, including strengthening “guidance and management” of social networking and buy Crestor without prescription instant-messaging applications, punishing the spread of “harmful” materials online, and promoting better security to “uphold public interests and national security.”

In order to buy Crestor without prescription control Internet usage, China has introduced some 20 regulations and assigned multiple police departments to buy Crestor without prescription monitor websites in their districts, even though Chinese President Hu Jintao told Chinese netizens in June 2008 that buy Crestor without prescription “the web is buy Crestor without prescription an important channel for us to understand the concerns of the buy Crestor without prescription public and assemble the wisdom of the public”.

According to buy Crestor without prescription the Telecommunications Regulations introduced in September 2000, no organization or individual is buy Crestor without prescription allowed to produce or reproduce information with content that spreads rumors, disturbs social order or buy Crestor without prescription disrupt social stability, harms the dignity or interest of the state and buy Crestor without prescription compromise state security or damage national unity, without providing any specific definition of many of these vague terms.

Violating the buy Crestor without prescription regulations constitutes a crime and would be subject to criminal investigation, according to buy Crestor without prescription the Decision Preserving Computer Network Security of the Standing Committee of the buy Crestor without prescription National People’s Congress (NPC), China’s parliament. The government has buy Crestor without prescription also increased pressures on website operators, who are not only required to buy Crestor without prescription keep a close watch on netizens’ activities but also held responsible for rumor circulation.

Sina.com, one of China’s most popular websites, set up a buy Crestor without prescription team to verify suspicious information posted on its website last year. The team is buy Crestor without prescription entitled to punish those who spread inaccurate information on the buy Crestor without prescription website by suspending their accounts, but some netizens compare the buy Crestor without prescription process to an online lynching.

Huang Xuamin, one of the founders of Wenzhou’s 703804.com, a buy Crestor without prescription website once famous for disclosing information about corrupt government officials, said his company has buy Crestor without prescription been working with the local police on monitoring netizens’ activities on the buy Crestor without prescription website for years. The local police, he said, could directly delete any items they think are buy Crestor without prescription sensitive.

Still, the buy Crestor without prescription vague laws give the government more rights to interpret on its own. The government has buy Crestor without prescription deleted many blog posts or messages that it considers “sensitive,” or “rumors”.

In September, a buy Crestor without prescription blog called Huguoshan General Secretary that exposed the luxurious watches worn by local government officials became popular among netizens. But the buy Crestor without prescription blog was swiftly removed. (See China begins to buy Crestor without prescription watch out, Asia Times Online, September 30, 2011)

The government’s tighter rules, meanwhile, have buy Crestor without prescription frustrated Chinese netizens. In responding to the latest announcements, a netizen called Wang Gang posted a buy Crestor without prescription note on Sina.com saying “People who fabricate rumors shouldn’t enjoy the buy Crestor without prescription right to suppress rumors. When the truth is only known by a buy Crestor without prescription small group, no reality can be found,” said one.

“It is buy Crestor without prescription not possible for a country to hold high moral standards when buy Crestor without prescription it has a propaganda department in operation,” said Bright moon rising above the sea.

Based on Zhou’s analysis, some netizens do deliberately fabricate information to buy Crestor without prescription provoke the government to come up with more accurate answers.

Other rumors this buy Crestor without prescription year include false reports in July of former paramount leader Jiang Zemin’s death, as well as reports this buy Crestor without prescription month that a Yunnan citizen dying of cancer had murdered eight village officials and buy Crestor without prescription claims that a J-10B fighter aircraft had crashed during a test flight.

According to buy Crestor without prescription the Shanghai Public Security Bureau, which publicizes online the names of people and buy Crestor without prescription websites that violate the Internet laws, Piplet was detained for buy Crestor without prescription 15 days for fabricating a government circular, without elaborating which law the buy Crestor without prescription blogger has actually violated.

Piplet didn’t respond to buy Crestor without prescription interview requests submitted via his or her Tianya account. The Shanghai police also declined interview requests over their Internet monitoring work and buy Crestor without prescription Piplet’s case.

Some netizens and buy Crestor without prescription Chinese reporters, meanwhile, remain suspicious about whether the circular was really fabricated and buy Crestor without prescription whether Piplet really exists, arguing Notice 47 might have indeed been buy Crestor without prescription a leaked government document draft. They question why the State Administration of Taxation took longer than buy Crestor without prescription 48 hours to clarify the report.

“Rumors run the buy Crestor without prescription wildest in a no-information society. The strengths of rumors grow more powerful when buy Crestor without prescription a government covers-up and manipulates information more frequently,” said Peking University’s Hu Yong said in his research paper.

Yvonne Su is a freelance journalist based in Beijing.

(Copyright 2011 Asia Times Online (Holdings) Ltd. All rights reserved. Please contact us about sales, syndication and buy Crestor without prescription republishing.)

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《纽约时报》杂志：当中国网络幽默成为危险的政治游戏

核心提示：本文用两个案例——制作时政讽刺系列动画哐哐兔的皮三和在香港的记者温云超来说明在中国，网络上的幽默如何传播被禁的思想，以及他们面临的被打压的困境。即使如此，网络幽默的政治性还在日渐增强。

原文：The Dangerous Politics Of Internet Humor In China

作者：BROOK LARMER

发表：2011年10月26日

本文由“译者”志愿者在“同来源译文”的基础上补译和校对

【原文配图：点击这里查看《纽约时报》收集的哐哐兔系列动画。需翻墙】

手机轻轻地震动起来，微弱的声音消失在四白落地的艺术家工作室中。那是四月初的一天早晨，王波起初并没有在意这个来电，这位互联网动画制作人被网络上大批拥趸所熟知的名字是“皮三”。他本来不想被其它事情打扰。皮三今年40岁，留着短短的头发，加上一对弯弯的眉毛，让他看起来总是一副困惑的表情。他最为人称道的作品是一个叫做“哐哐”的顽皮卡通人物形象，但他的主要收入来源还是为其他公司制作动画产品。今天，他有一份作品的交期就要到了。皮三骑着自行车来到位于北京郊外一个废弃工厂改造的工作室中，期望能不受打扰地完成当天的工作，但手机的嗡嗡声一直响个不停。

皮三一接起电话，对方立即告诉他一件新闻：公安局刚刚逮捕了著名的当代艺术家和政府批判人士艾未未。皮三脱口而出一句粗话。过去6个星期里，数百位网络博客写手——律师、活动家、记者——在几十年来最大规模的突击行动中，纷纷被警方拘留。现在，他们又抓走了艾这位身材肥胖、国际知名的人士。如果艾都被逮捕了，中国的独立思考人士还安全吗？

皮三的确有理由害怕，他和艾是朋友。几个星期之前，两位艺术家在午餐时曾经讨论在一部互联网动画片中合作。皮三尽管对艾激进的网络行为略感担心，但他仰慕他在纽约、柏林和伦敦开办独立展览的勇气。最近一次展览中，艾在泰特现代美术馆的地板上铺满了1亿颗瓷瓜子，并邀请参观者走在上面。有些人认为，这些瓜子代表了被践踏的中国人民。

尽管心怀恐惧，皮三还是立即在新浪微博——类似于推特，世界增长速度最快的互联网平台，受中国政府的严密监控——上贴出了这条消息。仅仅几秒钟之后，不知何人就将其删除。他于是贴上了一副没有任何说明的艾的卡通漫画，这是绕过中国敏感字过滤软件的最好方法。但图片也很快消失了——这表示删除图片的不是电脑软件，而是人。皮三在微博上说：“我再一次被和谐了，那仅仅是一张图片。”

于是，富有创造性的头脑开始发威了。皮三后来对我说：“我必须要做点事情解除自己的恐惧，别人或许会写文章来抗议，我的武器是动画。”他和一位同事彻夜未眠，狂热地制作出一部54秒的动画片，题目是《克瓜子》。故事发生在哐哐的学校，一个小女孩坐在演播室里，说：“以前有个中国人卖瓜子。”突然，一只黑色的大手把她抓走了。后边几个战战兢兢的播讲人试图完成这个故事，但是那只黑手也把他们一个个抓走，速度一个比一个快。

最后轮到哐哐了，这孩子嗯嗯啊啊了半天，放弃了发言，气愤地一声叹息“哎”。片子中显示的中国字“哎”几乎和艾未未的姓一样。哐哐也被抓走了，发出一声尖叫。下一个镜头中，黑手把一堆组成“哎”字的瓜子也抓走了。然后传来一个刺耳的声音——牙齿咬在瓷瓜子上，一个画外音喊道：“他妈的！谁做的假瓜子儿啊？”

【或翻墙点击这里看这集动画《克瓜子》】

皮三在4月4日黎明前完成了这部动画，离艾被捕还不到24个小时。他对我说：“在把它发布到网络上之前，我犹豫了一下。但是我又想，如果我不让它面世，就是在自我阉割。”他于是把“克瓜子”发布到中国最大的视频网站的上。几个小时之内，有超过100万人观看了这部动画片。之后，就像动画片中的演播者一样，它在中国的网站上一个接一个地消失了。皮三在微博上怒斥监察机构“皇上不急太监急”，没有任何人回应。在愤怒中，皮三也在想，那只黑手会不会也来抓他。

世界上没有任何一个政府像中国一样在互联网巡逻工作上倾注如此巨大的力量，5万人的监察部队和覆盖范围极广的先进过滤软件，在5亿互联网用户身上搜索不喜欢的内容和潜在的歹徒。尽管存在这些限制——或许恰恰是因为存在着限制——互联网在中国充斥着最富机智的内容。北京大学副教授、互联网专家胡泳说：“监控制度让我们处处受制，但它也孕育出超凡的想象力。人们不得不发明一些间接的方法来表达他们的想法，幽默就像一种自然界的密码发挥着作用。”

为了躲避审查，中国网民已经变成了喜剧词汇的大师，他们把自己的观点披上若干层讽刺和嘲弄的外衣。这不是一个新发明，但是它发展的趋势如此磅礴，已经成为了中国互联网的一种特质。暗语已经变成了主流文化，这种极富传播性的行为直接触及了那些人们具有广泛共识，而又不可以公开讨论的话题，从腐败和经济发展不平衡到审查制度本身。加利福尼亚大学伯克利分校的兼职教授萧强说：“除了其内在的喜剧价值，这种幽默表示网民在探究政府的底限。”他的网站“中国数字时代”收集了许多具有娱乐性的互联网词汇。“再没有什么比这种语言更能体现中国社会的压力点了。”

这种粗鄙的次文化现象是如此的流行，以至于中国人都为它起了个名字“恶搞”，意思是“邪恶的行为”，或者更粗俗一些“顽皮的嘲弄”。恶搞采取了极为简单的方式讽刺当权者，又不至于过分反叛。胡锦涛主席最喜欢挂在嘴边上的一个词“和谐”经常被用来敦促社会稳定的状态，现在则被反过来描述审查制度。比如说“我的博客被和谐了”。6月4日是1989年镇压事件的纪念日，也被称为5月35日，或者535。也有相当复杂的恶搞方式，比如胡戈在2010年的影片《动物世界》里，讲述互联网用户作为一个罕见物种从“强迫性思考紊乱症”中被拯救出来，意指思想自由。

大部分情况下，讽刺是政府勉强默许的一种公众情绪安全阀。毕竟，博人一笑比上街抗议要好。但是，就像奥威尔在缅甸担任殖民地警官期间所发现的，被嘲笑也会引发统治者的激烈反应。去年，一名妇女因为发表了三个字的推特言论而被判处劳教一年，中国政府似乎严重缺乏幽默感，而自寻烦恼。温云超是一位敢于捍卫言论自由的网络写手，经常参加互联网的各种恶搞活动。他说：“嘲弄滥用职权行为的笑话不仅仅是人们发泄的方式，它还可以激励人们的情绪。每一个笑话都在削弱专制政府的所谓权威。”

横扫互联网的讽刺行为就像一场大火，起因早已被火灾掩盖。但是在每一个活动的背后，都有一些人在探索个人言论的界限，通常是危险地在允许和禁止之间模糊的界限上行走、嬉戏。过去几个月中，我一直在追随着两个人——动画制作人皮三和博客写手温云超，试图更深层次地了解在中国数字前线上发生的“恶搞”和愈加白热化的猫捉老鼠的游戏现状。

【原文配图：温云超在香港的公寓中。Wei Leng Tay为《纽约时报》拍摄】

皮三和温是截然相反的两种人，一个是北方人，另一个是南方人，他们从不同角度诠释着“恶搞”的定义。一个擅长视觉图像，另一个擅长文字工具。皮三对于活动分子的称号避之唯恐不及，他把讽刺看作是发泄个人沮丧情绪的艺术手段。温则骄傲地给自己贴上活动分子的标签，他认为幽默是用来唤醒民权社会的“弱者的武器”。当政府加强镇压行动的时候，两个人都被迫重新思考自己对危险和机会的理解，在越过那条看不见的界限之前，他们能走多远？

让温领会到互联网幽默真实力量的并不是一些笑话，而是来自警察审讯室的一声呼救。2009年7月初的一天早晨，39岁的温在位于南方城市广州的家中起床后，发现他的推特中有一条让他震惊的消息：“我被马尾警方逮捕了，救命。”这条消息来自他的一个年轻的朋友、博客写手郭宝峰。马尾是沿海城市厦门的一个地区，离这里300多英里。几分钟之后，郭又发了一条推特信息，也是用英文：“快来救我，我趁警察睡觉时拿到了手机。”

之后，就再无声息了。

温知道，人们随随便便地就会消失在中国的牢狱迷宫之中。25岁的郭是英语翻译，他转帖一个视频，其中一位强奸案受害者的母亲控诉厦门当局掩盖罪行的事件。温在想，警方还有什么手段来阻止信息的传播。

来自审讯室的推特，以及后来的悄无声息，让温极为不安。但是他能做什么呢？即使人们克服了内心的恐惧，任何形式的抗议也都会被立即压制。他突然想到了网络上相当流行的一句话：“贾君鹏，你妈喊你回家吃饭！”

这句话的起源已经无法考证，但是网民都把它看作是对网络成瘾的一代人的调侃——迷失在虚拟世界，与外界失去联系。那一天，数百万网民疯狂地传递这句话。而温又把它赋予了新意义。他要求博客中的数万名粉丝给马尾派出所寄明信片，并把照片传到网络上，所有明信片中只写一句话：“郭宝峰，你妈喊你回家吃饭！”

没有人能了解互联网行动是否真能产生实际效果。但是，在4个同样转帖这个视频的人分别被判处1到2年监禁的背景下，郭并没有迷失在牢狱之中，而是在16天后被释放了。对温来说，这件事让他的想法变成了现实。他对我说：“幽默可以放大社会媒体的力量，如果它能真正触及痛处，比如司法不公或滥用职权，它会具有强大的感染力。它不是直接的——仅仅是一个笑话，对吗——所以人们就不用担心受牵连。”

温生长在广东省一个贫困的农村家庭，是家里最大的孩子。他早先对参与社会工作并不感兴趣。1989年的支持民主的运动在北京被镇压时，温还是一个爱逃课的中学生，他拥护政府的镇压行动：“我赞同政府的行为，必须要制止混乱的蔓延。”温的大学是在中国冰冷的北方城市哈尔滨的一所技术学院，他学习机械锻造。他在大学期间最大胆的行为，就是走私一些粤语色情杂志和流行音乐，来度过漫长的冬天。

按他自己的话说，他的互联网“觉醒”是几年之后在广州附近一座发电厂工作时发生的事情。一天晚上下班之后，温看到了一个香港电视台的节目，那是一个与官方报道完全相反的1989年事件介绍。他于是从互联网上找到了大量的信息来确认事件的真实性——那还是在2003年国家防火墙矗立起来之前，像“6月4日”这样的词语后来都被屏蔽。他得出了一个新的结论：“互联网将开启民主之门。”

出于对事情真相的渴求，温在后来十年里把自己转化成一个信息机器，同时从事记者和网络写手的职业。现实生活中，他为政府报纸和电视台采写新闻，完全遵从官方路线制作报道和评论。然而在网络上，他摆出的是一种自由自在、不受约束的姿态。他用笔名创作的一篇著名文章是《醉人呓语》。温很快就全职在网络上工作，为中国互联网公司网易撰写文章，并且兼职成为中国最早的民间记者之一。他的第一篇文章是在手机上完成的，记录了2007年厦门人民通过上街游行成功地阻止了修建化工厂的计划。

审查和管制一直萦绕在他身旁，温的生活就是一场永无止境的捉迷藏游戏。首先，他的一些帖子被删除了，然后他的博客无法登录，后来他在国内的互联网端口也无法使用了，甚至他使用的海外服务器也被国家防火墙封锁了。在新的科技大潮驱使下，温开始使用有140个字数限制的推特和在中国迅速发展起来的微博服务。中国的微博是推特的翻版，两年时间已经让它拥有了2亿拥护，每天发布4000万条信息。政府为了加紧监控的脚步，依靠互联网公司来检查自己网站中的内容，这样才可以积累“自律”的积分以换取更新营业执照的资格。温说：“哪里都不安全，但是无论审查怎样严格，讽刺和嘲弄的机会也越来越多。”

不久之前，温甚至敢于把中国最不可撼动的形象毛泽东作为嘲弄的对象。主席已经去世35年了，但他的大幅肖像依然在俯瞰天安门广场，温认为这种现象就表示共和国的创立者依然在发挥“负面的影响力”。即使在今天的中国，嘲弄毛依然是不可想象的。即便如此，在2009年毛逝世纪念日时，温号召他的网络粉丝私下加入“脱毛”运动。在中文里，“毛”与“毛发”同意，所以他建议人们把身体某些部位剃毛前和剃毛后的照片发上来——从文字意义上说，这表示人们“去毛”。

温是个大肚汉，留着亚伯拉罕林肯•林肯式的胡须。那一天，网上出现了数百张刮干净下巴和小腿的照片，其中当然也有温的贡献：他圆肚子上的体毛被修剪成推特的标志“t”。温的腹部献礼相当搞笑，表现了一个更加开放的中国，但也是对中国当局非常危险的摊牌。

当皮三还是个小孩子的时候——差不多就是他创造的动画形象哐哐的年纪——他的父母每次抓到他在课本边缘涂鸦，就会用尺子打他的手掌。皮三的家住在山西省山区的一个铜矿城镇里，他说：“我是个中等学生，我的父母认为乱涂乱画会让我注定在矿区生活一辈子。”

惩罚是惩罚，皮三依然坚持绘画，他甚至把自己创作的功夫明星漫画卖给朋友们。大约20年之后，皮三在2005年创办了互象动画公司。“798”是位于北京东北部废弃电子设备的厂区，现在已经变成了聚集着画廊、工作室和咖啡厅的时髦场所，互象的50名年轻设计师就在这里的一层楼中办公。他们大部分都和老板的穿着一样，全身上下一身黑，挤在一排排电脑旁边。敲击键盘的咔嗒声在空旷的厂房里回响。

我在三月初第一次参观他的四层楼工作室，皮三在企业家和策划者之间的角色转换显得游刃有余，他开玩笑地说自己有人格分裂。几年前，互象曾经为中国中央电视台——政府最主要的宣传工具——制作过一个动画系列片，但是皮对于缺少创作自由度极为沮丧。他说：“CCTV的动画片全是在灌输理念，不是为了娱乐。”现在，他和他的员工们为客户制作互联网动画广告和视频，其中包括摇滚歌星和摩托罗拉、三星等世界500强企业。

【原文配图：皮三在他位于北京的工作室中，旁边是泡芙小姐的模型。Song Chao为《纽约时报》拍摄。】

4月中旬，我看到皮三和他的团队制作《泡芙小姐》其中一集的过程，这是互象利润最高的一部动画系列剧。动画片的主角是一个略伤风化，无关政治的女性角色，审查机构只在她肩上的衣带滑落时才注意到泡芙的存在。这部剧是中国类似YouTube的网站优酷第一部委托制作的原创动画作品。两个星期之前，优酷第一个删除了他的反审查讽刺作品“克瓜子”。皮三认为这无所谓，互象的收入主要依靠“泡芙小姐”的成功。他对我说：“在中国要成功，你需要有点人格分裂。有些事情是为了挣钱，有些事情是为了兴趣。”

那天下午皮三很忙，依然没有艾未未的消息，对于自己、妻子和7岁儿子的未来，他的情绪在愤怒、恐惧和顺从之间摇摆不定。他带我离开互象的工作室，来到后面一个堆满纸板的房间，那些都是哐哐动画片中使用的小型背景。皮说：“情绪高涨的时候，我就会来到这里”。他俯身查看一个8英寸高的房间模型，那是《克瓜子》的房间道具。

旁边的一个小学校建筑物曾经出现在皮三2009年第一部哐哐讽刺作品中，这部名为《炸学校》的作品抨击了中国的教育制度。它在中国的年轻人群中产生了轰动效应，出现的第一天就有数百万浏览量。当然，这也激怒了政府官员，他们以“内容不当”为理由对皮三处以罚款。随着越来越多的反叛性哐哐作品出现，几乎每个省份的互联网拥趸都成立了俱乐部，把泡泡头男孩和他的其他动画形象作为崇拜的偶像。

皮三的作品中，没有任何一部比得上1月底发布的《小兔子乖乖》更具煽动性地直指社会阴暗面。这部4分钟的作品开头是一张中国农历兔年的贺年片，那是一个有关小兔子的睡前故事。但是当哐哐进入梦乡之后，故事变成了一场噩梦。统治阶级老虎（即将过去的农历年）承诺要“构建和谐森林”——直接影射胡锦涛的口头语，兔子们遭受了无尽的痛苦。婴儿饮用污染牛奶死亡；因为房屋被强拆而上街抗议的兔子被老虎的汽车压死；一个肇事逃逸的鲁莽老虎司机吹嘘他有高层官员保护。

这部没有太多掩饰的寓言故事都是基于在互联网上引发民众愤怒的真实事件。然而结尾却是纯粹的幻想：兔子们不愿接受自己的命运，集体反抗，以“南方公园”类型的暴力用他们的牙齿把老虎领主撕成碎片。起义的结尾有一句警告语：“兔子急了还咬人呐！”

皮三知道，《小兔子乖乖》或许已经越过了那条线。他于是请人算了一卦——自称“想看看会不会给自己带来麻烦”，之后他决定还是要低调一些。他在半夜里把视频上传到几个小规模的网站上，即使如此，在两个小时的时间里，《小兔子乖乖》有7万浏览量。等到审查机构在两天后开始删除网络上迅速蔓延的视频时，已经有大约300万到400万人看过了。地方媒体没有提及这件事，但外国记者纷纷询问他在视频中试图传达的政治信息。他假装无辜地说：“我就是做了一个童话故事。”

皮三的黑色幽默作品出现的时机，正是在社交媒体的兴风作浪下，突尼斯和埃及推翻独裁者的革命进行得如火如荼的时候。几个星期之后，有传言说如果有人在网络上暗示同样的“茉莉花”也会发生在中国，就会被逮捕。皮三承认：“我有些担心了，那条看不见的线总是在移动着，我们永远不知道自己脚下是否安全。”

大部分中国网民不会去考虑横在“可接受的嘲讽”和“不可容忍的冒犯”之间那条看不见的线。他们或许知道有这样一个限制的存在，但是他们的网络活动——购物、聊天、游戏、社交——在大防火墙下似乎都在正常运作。但是对越来越多的艺术家和活动家来说，这条界限是他们最关注的事情。香港大学中国媒体项目研究员班志远（David Bandurski）说：“政府最主要的管控手段就是这条模糊的线。谁也不知道它究竟横在哪里，监察的效力就在于不确定性、自我监察以及它制造出来的恐怖气氛。”

去年，当奥斯陆的评委把诺贝尔和平奖授予中国被监禁的作家刘晓波之后，温在就感觉到了界线的变化。很少有中国人曾经听说过这个《零八宪章》背后的人，因为一切全被国家防火墙屏蔽了。政府对此的表现相当狂躁，他们在媒体上诽谤刘的罪名，敦促其他国家抵制颁奖仪式，还在网络上屏蔽了一些词语，甚至包括“挪威”和“诺贝尔”。

当“空椅子”这个表现刘缺席诺贝尔颁奖仪式最形象的词语也被屏蔽了之后，温有了一个想法。文字既然不能发布，为什么不用一些空椅子的照片来赞颂刘呢？温在推特和微博上向他的4万多名粉丝号召：“每个人都有一张空椅子，如果我们只是在旁观，那么有一天（空椅子）就会出现在你家人的餐桌旁。”在他的号召下，网络用户上传了数十张看似无害的图片，从梵高作品中的空椅子，到宜家家居的广告图片。审查机构最终领会到这个玩笑的目的，但温已经把微博上的恶作剧在某种程度上转化成人权宣言。

三个月之后，大规模的镇压行动开始了，似乎北京在担心中东和北非的起义运动会导致国内的某些反响。温在香港的时候收到了一封邮件，发件人是中国公安局的警员：“不要回家，你见到老婆和儿子之前就会被逮捕。”他的家现在多了一把空椅子。温决定在香港等待危机平息，那里的法律和与中国其它地方不同。温或许躲过了牢狱之灾，但现在居无定所。

我在4月份去香港拜访过温，他住在一个临时的公寓中，一排洗过的衬衫挂在窗户旁边。他的晚餐是6片牛肉，到凌晨1点又加上几根烤香肠。有时他会掏出黑莓，一边浏览他的好友名单一边说：“不在了，不在了，不在了……”这些消失的人很可能已经被警方拘留。

温的推特空间中现在挤满了像苍蝇一样嗡嗡叫的五毛党——这是一个绰号，据说这些人每发布一次支持政府的言论会获得人民币5毛钱的报酬。他让我看他收到的铺天盖地的诽谤信息，还有两个五毛党建立的假推特账户，和他自己的一模一样。更让他觉得恐怖的是一个匿名者给他发来的信息，这个人似乎对他了如指掌：他的身份证号码、他的旅行计划，甚至他妻子、10岁儿子和他父母的所有细节。

夜幕刚刚降临的时候，温还在嘲笑政府的恐吓行为：“政府在互联网上投入了太多了资金，彻底关闭互联网不是一个选择，所以他们能做的就是威胁和恫吓。”但是随着夜越来越深，啤酒罐慢慢堆积起来，他袒露了心声：“我很担心即使在香港他们也会逮捕我，我更担心家人。”

第二天，我和温一起到位于香港与中国大陆边界的岭南大学去，他要在那里发布一个有关互联网行动的演讲。火车开出之后，他向我讲述了他在香港窘迫的生活状态。一家本地卫视公司聘请他制作一个节目，准备向中国大陆播出。晚上，温依旧在推特上发挥他惊人的能量，对大国家防火墙进行嘲弄和讽刺，就像一个小孩向中世纪城堡厚厚的围墙上掷石子。他的妻子和儿子在几个月之后就会来到香港，但是不能回家依然让他感到非常郁闷。他对我说：“有一天，一个朋友管我叫‘流亡者’，我真的很生气。这是个糟糕的字眼，我从没想到自己会与这个词发生关系。”

那天晚上在大学里，一张铺着红色天鹅绒的桌子摆在户外一片小空场中。温从别人手中接过一个麦克风，但他似乎并不需要，因为下边只有十来个学生。火车站就在离此几百码的中国边境上，听到飞驰而过的火车声，温把他的视线从黑莓上抬起，望着他可能永远无法跨过的那条界线。

去年6月份的时候，北京笼罩在闷热的浓雾中，皮三开始变得无精打采。艾未未被捕已经两个月了，他的命运和关押地点一点消息也没有。警方还拘捕了皮三的另一位好朋友——摇滚音乐家左小祖咒，因为在一次现场音乐会中，他头上的大屏幕中出现了“释放艾未未”的字样。虽然音乐家在被捕当天就被释放了，但是皮三感到了恐惧。他打消了制作新一部哐哐动画片的念头，第一次开始严肃考虑朋友的建议——离开这个国家。

6月22日传来了一个惊喜的消息：艾在被拘禁81天之后重新回到了家里。这位艺术家破坏分子明显地消瘦了，而且一反常态地沉默。尽管到目前为止还没有被以任何罪名起诉，他依然被软禁“等待进一步调查”逃税问题。两天之后，皮三骑着他的电动自行车来到艾工作室的蓝色大门前——他说“就像一个送货员”。艾像往常一样兴致勃勃地在小房间里走来走去，给皮三讲述他是怎么瘦下来的。两人朋友交谈了几个小时。由于艾依然被软禁，所以他们合作讽刺动画的计划只能推迟。皮三即将告辞的时候，艾给了他一个监禁期间留下的纪念品：几块变质的饼干——他“狱中节食计划”的一部分。

很多艺术家和博客写手都认为艾被释放，仅仅是一个保全面子的手段，让温家宝总理几天后到欧洲的访问不至遭遇尴尬。还有数十位律师和互联网活动家依然在没有正式起诉罪名的情况下被拘禁，政府对其他人的骚扰也没有减轻的迹象。皮三说：“我不能说事情还和以前完全一样，”但是看到艾回家“让我松了一口气”。

7月的时候，我又一次造访皮三。他7岁的儿子剃了夏天的光头，在他父亲的木桌子上玩iPad游戏。皮三穿着短裤和拖鞋，显得轻松又愉快。他的妻子是他在大学时认识的另一位画家，现在则在旁边的一张桌子前记账。

皮三的生意顺风顺水。前十集《泡芙小姐》吸引了200万观众，其中一半以上都是18岁到30岁的女性。优酷成功地提高了广告费率，这是互象最大的收入来源。另外几家网站也开始和皮三接触，提出了优厚的条件，希望把他的拥趸拉到自己的网站中来。

皮三在情绪最低落的时候曾经发誓再也不做讽刺作品了，跟审查机构和安全部门打太极拳很伤脑筋，他家人所冒的风险太高了。现在，艾被释放了，他的恐惧也逐渐减退。他试图解释为什么其他艺术家和博客写手要么被监禁，要么被流放，而他得以全身而退：“我觉得政府依然认为我做的东西就是动画片，小孩玩意。”这种错误的认知是皮三乐于去拥抱的，尽管他又说：“动画片是描述我们国家荒谬之处最现实的方法。”

不久之前，皮三再一次回到了他那堆满纸板的小屋里，他说：“我觉得还有几个故事没有讲完。”他已经设计好了几个新的哐哐故事框架。下一个主题是什么呢？皮三闪过一丝微笑：“捉迷藏。”