http://yingeli.net/en/2011/07/%EF%BB%BFhu-yong-burgerjournalismus-in-china/
Hu Yong: Citizen Journalism in China
This is an excerpt from a longer text Hu Yong has written for the catalog of Ars Electronica 2011. Hu Yong is one of the speakers at the conference “public square squared – how social fabric is weaving a new era” (September 4, 2011), curated by Isaac Mao and David Sasaki (Brucknerhaus Linz).
In China, there exists in actual practice no mechanism in the political decision-making process to take the opinions of private citizens into consideration and to enable these opinions to make an impact. Moreover, the reform of the judicial system is moving ahead at a sluggish pace and the media are subject to state censorship. The upshot of all these factors is that citizen journalists and the opinions they articulate in the public sphere in China have assumed a special and very prominent role. I differentiate among four types of influence citizen journalism is having on Chinese politics and society.
1 Accountability Politics
Since the internet is constrained to a lesser extent by social norms and institutionalized political authority than other media are, the opinion of the citizenry—something that used to keep a low profile—has attained a very high degree of visibility there. And even if most Chinese people can generally be regarded as members of the silent majority, the internet now affords them the opportunity to speak out loud and clear and has brought forth a means of doing so that they regard as appropriate for this medium. An essential point in this regard is that netizens are attempting, within the framework of the constitution and other legal provisions, to make the powers that be answerable for what they do, and, in a society in which government officials have been accorded a highly privileged status, to slowly sow the seeds of political accountability.
When netizens strive to call politicians to account for their misdeeds, they utilize a method that has come to be known as a “human flesh search,” 1 whereby users join together in an online community to conduct research about the event’s background or a person’s biographical details and to post these findings online. In recent years, there have been numerous instances in which government officials have been forced to resign after netizens used this method to expose a scandal.
In October 2008 when Lin Jiaxiang, the party secretary of the Maritime Safety Administration of the City of Shenzhen, was suspected of having sexually molested a little girl, netizens put a video online that showed him arguing with the child’s parents. In the video’s subtitles (the video itself did not originally feature audio), Lin Jiaxiang spoke to the parents in an extremely arrogant way—to the great displeasure of netizens who immediately launched a human flesh search with him as their prey. On November 3, Lin was forced out of all his offices by the Party Secretariat of the Ministry of Transportation and expelled from the party because the statements he made (while inebriated) in public conveyed a horrendously bad image.
In December 2008 in Nanjing, the head of the Jiangning District Housing Construction Authority, Zhou Jiugeng, was dismissed after netizens had published photos showing him at a meeting smoking extremely expensive cigarettes and wearing a Vacheron Constantin watch. On October 10, 2009, a Nanjing court sentenced Zhou to an 11-year prison sentence. The case of Zhou Jiugeng is a textbook example of the role netizens play in the battle against corruption.
In November 2009, reports were posted online indicating that Attorney General Liu Lijie from Arun Banner(qi, meaning county) of Hulunbuir Prefecture in Inner Mongolia (one of the poorest counties in that autonomous region) drove a luxury SUV. She too was later relieved of duty.
In February 2010, the diary of Han Feng, director of the Tobacco Monopoly Administration of the City of Laibin (Guangxi) was put online, and the upshot was a storm of indignation. The diary entries from January 2007 to January 2008 led readers to conclude that his professional and private life consisted primarily of getting drunk, getting laid and collecting bribes. He was dismissed from office immediately. On March 14, the Party Committee of the Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Region decided to strip Han Feng of his party membership and oust him from all government posts he held. On December 14, a court in the city of Nanning (capital of Guangxi) convicted him of accepting bribes and sentenced him to 13 years in prison and a fine of 100,000 renminbi (RMB), about €11,000.
The rapid development of the internet and the new channels for free speech that this has opened up have already instilled fear and loathing in bureaucrats’ hearts and minds. This was tersely stated by a representative of the Ministry of Propaganda of the Province of Shaanxi: “Back then, before the internet, all was still right with the world. They said what we wanted them to say.” 2 In April 2010, the People’s Tribune magazine (Renmin luntan) under the People’s Daily conducted an opinion poll on the subject of government officials’ fear of the internet. In connection with it, the secretary of a county party committee said: “On the internet as it now exists, government officials run the danger of becoming a ‘weak group.’” 3 The results of this survey indicated that 70% of respondents held the opinion that Chinese bureaucrats suffered from “fear of the internet.” When the polling center at the People’s Tribune magazine surveyed 300 party and government officials and asked which category of bureaucrats feared supervision via the internet the most, 47% of respondents put “officials on the county level” at the top of their list. Interviews conducted by journalists have revealed that top-echelon officers in the propaganda Ddepartments and secretaries of county party committees fear the internet the most. 4
In another opinion poll conducted online, 71.5% of respondents stated that they would personally take part in the “battle against corruption” and 77.5% said that, if they were confronted by “unwholesome manifestations” in society, they would denounce them on the internet. The Procuratorial Daily (Jiancha ribao), a newspaper under the Supreme People’s Procuratorate, had this to say about the survey results: “In a comparison of all the various news media, the internet is the open forum for the expression of opinions that does the best job at living up to its social responsibility to represent the public interest by acting as a watchdog agency dedicated to uncovering corruption (…) the internet already constitutes a powerful weapon when it comes to cutting through red tape, simplifying formalism, and stemming signs of corruption like exploiting positions of power for personal gain.” 5
On the internet, the general public has finally found a public site in which it can move about relatively freely (and fearlessly) and where emotions and critique can assert themselves. This also explains why things proceed less “peacefully” and “reasonably” in the new media as compared to other media in China. And it’s also an indication that, in light of the special political facts and circumstances prevailing in China, the internet has assumed much greater political significance.
2 Information Politics
Anyone who posts objective, factual information online assumes the role of a “witness” to a certain extent. Frequently, such a witness not only documents the “truth” about an event for posterity; he/she can also crystallize what the general public is thinking and advance the process of solving social problems. Liu Wenjin wrote: “In modern-day society, the ‘primal sin’ of people is not so much not knowing but rather ‘looking without seeing.’” 6
Naturally, in contemporary Chinese society, the hope that people will really “see” what’s going on also evokes fear on the part of some. The reason for this is that inherent in this “seeing” is power that ought not to be underestimated. It is the power of the “eyewitness,” of memory, of looking out for one another. During a sensational case of Ppolice “fishhooks” entrapment in Shanghai in which Judge Huang Jiang had threatened the party who had been provoked to commit a misdemeanor with the words “You must obey!” Attorney Hao Jinsong responded with the now-famous words “I’ll tell you this: Thanks to the internet, everything you say here can be known throughout the world within 24 hours!” 7 Cases like this one show that the internet is a natural ally of Chinese netizens because, as they go about seeking the truth behind events and struggling to attain social justice, it enables them to deploy their testimonials in such a way that they can achieve maximum impact.
Very often, a news item is first published by netizens and subsequently picked up by print media outlets and TV stations. Citizen journalism can function as a barometer in that reactions by netizens serve as a basis upon which it can be estimated whether a news story will—or should—be pursued by the mainstream media. Hot topics often come to the fore as follows: People who want to promote certain information log onto a few influential websites and aggressively comment on articles that are getting lots of views/likes; these comments are then shared, and as soon as they’ve achieved a certain momentum, conventional media that are receptive to content in this area jump on the bandwagon and publish interviews and background stories. In doing so, they orient their coverage on user comments, and this quickly gives rise to synergies among net-based and conventional media.
At the same time, the citizen media also constitute a feedback mechanism for the conventional media and assume the role of an amplifier and “mixer.” For example, conventional media in the Province of Guangdong were the first to report on the case of Sun Zhigang 8 but the in-depth reporting and analysis were concentrated on websites like Sina.com, sohu.com, people.com.cn and Xinhuanet.com. Here, net-based and conventional media worked hand-in-hand and thereby built a consensus that shaped public opinion. There have also been other cases in which print media were the first to play up their doubts about the government version of a situation, but this was subsequently concentrated and disseminated online. Close interaction among print and online media make it possible for a participative public opinion to crystallize.
These information politics have already permanently changed the Chinese media landscape. Before 2003, the conventional media and the so-called new media were two completely separate worlds because the conventional media paid no attention to reportage in the new media. But this separation broke down over the following years and there now exists an often very fruitful interactivity among new media and mainstream media. Together, they have changed the way news is reported. The relative transparency of the new media also led to old, established news institutions becoming more open and more interactive.
3 Resistance Politics
Modern-day China generally lacks effective channels for political participation and the representation of people’s interests. Under such circumstances, people and institutions that are unable to defend their own interests are forced to apply highly risky resistance methods to articulate their needs and to seek redress. At present, China is going through an unprecedented transformation process during the course of which methods of resistance are assuming ever more complex forms.
China now stands at the threshold of an era of popular struggle to obtain rights. Farmers, workers and the middle class that has only recently emerged are all fighting for their “civil rights.” Regardless of which group we’re talking about: people’s struggles for their rights are unimaginable without taking full advantage of the internet. The internet plays a key role above all in expressing opinions and organizing initiatives. The relatively unrestricted freedom to state ones views has the effect of changing collective perception and sets up a framework for collective action. If people lack this perception and/or this frame of reference, it is exceedingly difficult for collective action to occur. At the same time, a resonant reaction in public opinion can be triggered via the internet and support can be gained for a social movement. But another aspect is perhaps even more important. A fully developed civil society does not currently exist in China and the formal social institutions are incapable of motivating people, but the internet is capable of surmounting precisely these obstacles and, by means of an “unorganized organized force,” helping citizens take meaningful, effective action.
Cases of resistance are daily events in China. When they occur, online and offline situations often add fuel to each other’s fire. This is also a warning addressed to the government: A healthy social order demands normal, institutionalized governance. To voice their grievances about the all-pervasive, virulent social contradictions and conflicts, citizens should not be forced to excessively rely on the internet, where their needs are turned into “news,” or to have to go online to establish contact with higher-echelon officials in order to solve their problems.
A few wise local officials have already gained insights from their personal experiences with the internet and come up with a way that is suitable in the context of Chinese circumstances to react to unexpected events. For example, Shanghai pParty sSecretary Yu Zhengsheng advises “reporting about facts quickly, but reporting about background factors cautiously.” He stated: “How is one to deal with public incidents? First off, one must react rapidly. One must provide an explanation. In the case of major events that affect public security, one must quickly lay out the facts. In the case of harsh criticism of the government, one must act fast regardless of whether the critique is justified or not. By all means, an answer must be forthcoming when the government is called into question. And even if one has no response, one must admit that we have not yet analyzed these questions and we are not yet able to provide an answer. Second, one must be guided by the facts. Third, the emphasis must be placed on the institutions.” 9
And the former party secretary of Anhui Province, Wang Jinshan, checked in with this advice: “In the case of internet incidents, under no circumstance is ‘hiding’ the right course to take, ‘blocking’ doesn’t work either, and ‘delaying tactics’ are an even less attractive option. If one assumes a negative stance, one is forced to remain on the defensive; only when one takes an active approach can one assume leadership. Two things are particularly important. First of all, a quick reaction is absolutely essential. As soon as the news item appears, one must address the issue and take a position. One must read what is being written online and one must post a response there. One may neither remain silent nor attempt to deceive. One must act both promptly and prudently. Secondly, solving the problem must always be the aim. On one hand, one must take advantage of the internet in the effort to understand the situation and to gather valuable information; on the other hand, one must analyze this information to separate truth from falsehood and to give netizens a responsible answer so that the problem can be solved effectively.” 10
4 Symbolic Politics
The term “symbolic politics” means using symbols and narratives to impart a frame to an event and thereby influence public opinion. The internet provides highly effective support for the production and dissemination of graphic symbols. Accordingly, activists mobilizing online deploy above all images and digital videos in order to make a powerful symbolic impact. For example, the previously mentioned resistance politics, due to its radicalism and dramatic nature, can be propagated online very easily and activate the opinions of netizens. If, for instance, shocking images or videos surface in conjunction with some acts of resistance, the events will be reported in a very simplistic and provocative way, and construed values will be disseminated along with them. A very close relationship exists between current social movements and the media, and to a certain extent such social movements essentially constitute a media war. But this also means that “visual mobilization” plays an essential role.
For example, a Hong Kong University scholar Qian Gang, before he investigated the self-immolation of Yihuang 11, looked into the chain of information dissemination following a previous very prominent case of self-immolation. In the city of Chengdu in Sichuan Province, Tang Fuzhen, resisting the forced demolition of her home set for November 13, 2010, burned herself to death on the roof of the house. Qian’s investigation revealed that the torrent of reportage peaked after Chinese national TV broadcast the story of “the death of someone about to be evicted” on December 2nd at 9:30 PM and ran a cell phone video showing Tang’s fiery suicide. This “video effect” immediately triggered an online explosion of commentary about the woman’s self-immolation. 12 In the case of Yihuang, videos and images of victims’ burning themselves were also uploaded onto the internet. Above all in the wake of the appearance on microblog sites of photos of Zhong Rujiu, a member of the victim’s family, showing the woman being pulled away by government officials, the news item went viral and became a widely discussed event.
Chinese netizens also conduct “imaginary revenge” campaigns involving a special form of satire in which the powerless are empowered and clout is wrested away from the mighty. When, for example, in 2009 netizens protested the mandatory installation of Green Dam 13 filtering software on every PC, satirical images, videos and songs began to make the rounds. Some very imaginative netizens even invented a cartoon character named Maid of the Green Dam who was decked out in an armband emblazoned with the word “Discipline” and a hat adorned with a symbolic river crab [Internet slang created by Chinese netizens in reference to internet censorship]. In one hand, she holds two lucky hares (a mascot representative of Green Dam); in the other, she has a bucket of paint to whitewash the ugly spots on the internet. Stories and songs sprouted up about this girl, and they were soon accompanied by various spinoff products like T-shirts and games. Next up was a complete assortment of cartoon characters. Indeed, some netizens even “proudly” claimed that these were probably the first Chinese cartoon characters whose origins were not an act of copyright infringement!
Despite the fact that citizen journalism plays such a diversified and essential role amidst China’s special political and social situation, it’s important to keep in mind that the development of internet-based citizen journalism in China is by no means proceeding smoothly. Such efforts have run into three types of obstacles: Journalists are strictly controlled by the Chinese government, as a result of which “citizen journalists” have no legal status; Journalists working for conventional media ostracize citizen journalists in an effort to safeguard their own privileged professional position; and citizens invest too much hope in citizen journalism when it comes to solving problems, which can end up leading to a loss of credibility for citizen journalists.
Conclusion
Can an eyewitness with no Press ID disseminate news online? The exceptional world of Chinese media is populated by many individuals who aren’t professional journalists. They’re just private citizens equipped with a camera and a blog/microblog who participate in events of great import in these times in which many conventional media outlets have been forced to wear a muzzle and a leash when doing their reporting.
Wherever we are and whenever we observe whatever goes on around us in society, when we feel the need to contribute our views, our critiques and our concerns to the public discourse, the internet and our cell phone enable us do so. The various domains of the network-linked public sphere provide every individual with access to a channel in which they can express their opinions, pose questions or conduct investigations without being at the mercy of media organizations. New forms of decentralization and division of power are emerging, which is making possible new forms of control, new political discussions and organizations, and influencing topics and discourses. The bottom line: people who have merely been passive recipients up to now are becoming potential participants in the political dialog and potential protagonists in the political arena.
This mobilization, this activism on the part of netizens now occurring on a small scale, could proliferate into a systematic, widespread demand for respect and justice. What will develop out of this won’t be a revolutionary movement but rather a transformative one committed to slowly changing the nation and the society and contributing to the wellbeing of all members of society.
Footnotes
1 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Human_flesh_search_engine
2 Zheng Tingxin: “When the school principal meets the county head,” in: Southern People’s Weekly, January 25, 2008，http://www.infzm.com/content/4859
3 “Expressing exactly what bureaucrats feel: Online, government officials are a ‘weak group,’” in: People’s Tribune, May 6, 2010, http://politics.people.com.cn/GB/1026/11535839.html
4 “Opinion poll: The head of the Propaganda Department and secretaries of the county party committees are the ones who fear supervision via the internet the most,” in: People’s Tribune, May 6, 2010，http://politics.people.com.cn/GB/1026/11535806.html
5 “For three-quarters of all citizens, the internet is for airing grievances. The citizens’ battle against corruption still awaits recognition by the system,” in: Procuratorial Daily, November 11, 2010, http://leaders.people.com.cn/GB/13185774.html
6 Liu Wenjin: “We’ll meet again: Impressions after the Simone de Beauvoir Prize was awarded to Ai Xiaomin and Guo Jianmei,” in: 21st Century Review, April 2010, p. 121
7 Quoted from He Bing’s blog: “Judge Huang Jiang: What damage have you done to the Supreme Court?” October 28, 2009, http://blog.sina.com.cn/s/blog_486bea1a0100fam9.html
8 On his way to an Internet café, Sun Zhigang, a new immigrant to Guangzhou, was stopped by police and asked for his ID. When Sun said he had left it at home, the police took him to a nearby station. By the next day when his boss and friends showed up with the necessary papers, Sun had been transferred to a detention center for vagrants. Two days later, on March 20, he was dead, the victim of a brutal beating in the center’s infirmary. Read more: http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,458835,00.html#ixzz1Q5zPOpUo
9 “Yu Zhengsheng on the party building activities in Shanghai: Revamp the institutions as energetically as possible and go forward with concrete efforts,” in: Liberation Daily, November 17, 2009, http://sh.sina.com.cn/news/2009-11-17/0836122886.html
10 “Wang Jinshan: When leading government officials go online, then it’s a sort of unofficial visit,” in: People’s Daily, November 23, 2009, http://leaders.people.com.cn/GB/10424980.html
11 The most famous case of individual resistance in 2010 took place at the Zhong family home in Yihuang of Jiangxi Province. Three people set themselves on fire during a conflict in the morning of 10 September 10, 2010, when the Zhong family home at Fenggang Village, Yihuang County, Fuzhou, Jiangxi was forciblye fully demolished. Photographs taken at the scene were circulated at lightning speed on major websites, including popular microblogs, in China. At the time when the incident was “live cast” via the microblogs, someone attempted to warn the leaders of Yihuang County by phone and via text messaging, but they had failed to arouse the attention of the leaders. The county leaders had failed to foresee how the microblogs could transform this incident into a public event. They were finally held accountable. The Jiangxi Provincial Government announced on 10 October 10that the Yihuang County Party Secretary, County Chief and other major leaders were to be removed from office. This is the first time in recent years that local chiefs have been held accountable for forced demolition. The Fuzhou City Government also ordered demolition work at the Zhong family house to be halted.
12 Qian Gang: “The chain of information dissemination following Tang Fuzhen’s self-immolation,” in: Media Digest, January 14, 2010，http://www.rthk.org.hk/mediadigest/20100114_76_122514.html
13 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Green_Dam
Translated from German by Mel Greenwald